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Did Minnesota judges violate ethics rules by speaking about the immigration wave?
Breaking News

Did Minnesota judges violate ethics rules by speaking about the immigration wave?

By adminvoxa
October 2, 2026 6 Min Read
Comments Off on Did Minnesota judges violate ethics rules by speaking about the immigration wave?

On Wednesday, Attorney General Todd Blanche, accompanied by Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin and Minnesota U.S. Attorney Daniel Rosen, announced the indictment of several non-citizens for voting-related crimes.

But the headline came from Blanche’s second announcement: The Justice Department had filed a complaint of judicial misconduct against former Chief Justice Patrick Schiltz, Judge John Tunheim and several “unnamed judges.” This all stems from their participation in a September 17 New York Times article about the effect of Trump’s immigration enforcement agenda on their court, their perception that the administration was not complying with their orders, and the importance of the rule of law.

According to the DOJ, the judges’ interviews with the Times violate at least two federal rules of judicial conduct, known as canons, which require judges to “act in a manner that promotes public confidence in the integrity and impartiality of the judiciary” and avoid “public comment on the merits of a pending or impending court case.”

The judges’ remarks, the DOJ continued, not only suggest bias against the Department of Homeland Security, but also came at a time when Minnesota district judges’ decisions to release immigrant detainees are under appeal. Notably, the inmate in a case decided by Tunheim is now asking the Supreme Court to review his case.

Complaints of federal judicial misconduct, which cannot be anonymous, are made to the chief judge of the appropriate federal court of appeals. After review, the chief justice has options ranging from dismissing the complaint outright to referring it to a special committee for investigation and report. And the judge involved can also request a more in-depth review. But while decisions must be made public, the review of any complaints – and the arguments behind them – are not. The very existence of a complaint should not be disclosed unless “necessary or appropriate to maintain public confidence in the ability of the judiciary to remedy misconduct or disability.”

MS NOW does not know if any of the judges involved in the recent DOJ complaint have responded to its allegations.

There is no indication that the judges who spoke to the Times did so impulsively. To the contrary, Schiltz said in a public statement Wednesday that he had consulted recent guidelines issued by the Federal Judicial Conference, the organizing body for federal judges, which allow judges to speak and write “on fundamental judicial issues such as defending the rule of law and judicial independence.”

Another judge, Nancy Brasel, appeared to reference the same guidelines in the Times article in question: “We are allowed to speak openly about judicial independence. And so we should, in order to preserve it.”

Brasel, like the current chief justice, Eric Tostrud, also cited by name in the article, was appointed by a Republican president: Donald Trump.

The fact that six of the seven then-serving federal district court judges in Minnesota spoke together to the Times also suggests their collective panic over the state of the rule of law and the strain on their relatively small district, where, inundated with new applications from immigrant detainees, the clerk’s staff began working seven days a week, 16 hours a day without overtime pay, according to the article..

But that doesn’t mean the DOJ will prevail. An accusation of judicial misconduct by the DOJ itself not only threatens to silence judges who speak out about the department or other agencies’ disregard for court orders and judicial authority, but it is also troubling on other levels.

First, it’s part of a growing – and not particularly successful – trend.

Last year, a former DOJ official filed a judicial misconduct complaint against Chief Judge James Boasberg of the District of Columbia, who angered the administration by ruling against it in high-profile immigration cases and opening a contempt investigation into who within the administration authorized two flights carrying suspected Venezuelan gang members to El Salvador’s notorious CECOT prison. (An appeals court has put that investigation on hold for now.)

The complaint itself, however, was based on comments Boasberg allegedly made at a Judicial Conference meeting, and was dismissed last year on the grounds that the evidence was too thin and that even if true, it reflected that Boasberg had expressed other people’s concerns about future administration noncompliance, not his own.

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Second, the judges’ statements in the Times article in question are different in nature and degree from those that other federal appeals courts have found warrant relief—and those cases are themselves rare.

One of the cases the DOJ relied on involved a district court judge’s 2024 essay in the New York Times titled “Federal Judge Asks: How Could Alito Have Been So Stupid?” » The article itself concerned the flying of two flags – an upside-down American flag and the “Call to Heaven” flag – in front of Justice Samuel Alito’s homes, an act the district judge called a deviation from “basic ethical behavior” that should be “built into a judge’s DNA.” Alito, the judge said, should have understood that these flags could be considered “a banner of allegiance on partisan issues that are or could be before the court.”

But even after determining that the essay violated two judicial canons, the Fourth Circuit chief judge imposed no sanctions. Instead, he wrote that the exchange between them convinced him that the judge was “respectful of the judicial complaint process, sensitive to the concerns raised by his essay, and thoughtful in crafting” a public apology, which was sufficient corrective action for the chief justice.

The DOJ is also relying heavily on the retroactive disqualification of the district court judge who presided over a landmark antitrust trial aimed at breaking up Microsoft.

There, the judge granted secret interviews – in the middle of the trial – to several national journalists, with the understanding that they could and would publish his thoughts once the verdict was rendered. But it was both the connection between his comments and the affair and their real-time concealment from the public that necessitated his disqualification. As the D.C. Circuit explained, the judge “disclosed his views on the factual and legal issues at the heart of the case,” including “(his) opinions on the credibility of witnesses, the validity of legal theories, the guilt of the defendant (and) the choice of remedy.”

On the other hand, even if any of the judges interviewed by the Times are found to have commented on pending cases or undermined public confidence in the justice system, the remedy sought by the DOJ — disqualification “from any matter involving DHS” — is far more dramatic than any of the consequences imposed in the cases they cite.

In fact, recusing even one of Minnesota’s six active federal judges, as well as a senior judge, from these cases would further invalidate this court in the event of a future immigration surge.

Operation Metro Surge itself overwhelmed the district court in a way from which it is only just recovering. As the Times noted in its article, the Minnesota District received two new habeas petitions in the first three months of 2025. As a result of Operation Metro Surge, that number jumped to more than 1,100 in the first three months of this year. The Minnesota District, which has only seven active judicial seats, also has one judicial vacancy at present.

What could happen to a court unable to sufficiently keep pace with its immigration caseload? In recent months, we have seen DHS rush immigrants to detention centers outside of the states where they live because federal courts in those jurisdictions have not agreed with DHS’s interpretation of who can be detained without a bond hearing. We can imagine that this phenomenon could only accelerate in a universe where one or more judges would not have the right to supervise such cases.

And that may be the DOJ’s intention. If the judges signal that they will not give in to the DOJ, the department will try to move them out of its way. This is a development that none of us should welcome.

Lisa Rubin.

Lisa Rubin

Lisa Rubin is MS NOW’s senior legal reporter and a former trial lawyer.

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