The great sleeping giant of the United States woke up, took a critical look at what the nation has become, and screamed “NO!” » thunderous.
What happened Tuesday was not — as some say — the inevitable midterm pendulum swing against the ruling party. Texas has not elected a Democratic senator since 1988. The last time Kansas elected a Democratic senator was in 1932.
It wasn’t just the economy. Americans are certainly unhappy with high prices, but inflation is not out of control. The country is neither in depression nor in recession. Unemployment remains quite low.
Finally, all of this is not due to Donald Trump either. Despite Trump’s repeated efforts to get voters to “pretend” he was on the ballot, he was not. Most Republican candidates barely mentioned it, and many Democratic candidates emphasized local or statewide issues rather than focusing on it.
Something much larger is responsible for what happened: anti-establishment populism. He goes after the giant corporations that made record profits while most Americans had to pay more. Against the mega donors and super PACs who have flooded American politics with more campaign money – legalized bribes – than ever before.
And against the big tech billionaires who have become the most powerful force in the American economy and society – as well as the most visible supporters of Trump and the Republican Party.
The irony is that anti-establishment anger propelled Trump to the presidency in 2016, and then again in 2024. Many Americans found his politically incorrect speeches and “America First” nativism reflected their own anger at being disrespected and left behind. “I am your warrior,” he told his supporters as he announced his candidacy for the 2024 elections.
But during his second term, Trump transformed himself into the establishment he once railed against. He gave tax cuts and subsidies to tech billionaires. He promoted their AI, pushed their data centers, put Elon Musk in charge of the so-called “Department of Government Effectiveness” (Doge), defended their cryptography, and went to war in the Middle East – not only causing gas prices to skyrocket, but also making big oil companies billions (or, as Trump disconcertingly boasts, “we’re making an absolute fortune in our country”) and enriching big tech weapons makers and investors, including his family.
Many of those who voted for Trump in 2016 and 2024 have now abandoned him because of this blatant corruption, crony capitalism, and their desire to be on the golden side of America’s new golden age. According to a CNBC poll conducted in late October, corruption was the top issue voters were concerned about.
Meanwhile, anti-establishment populism has taken a firm hold within the Democratic Party. “The biggest divide in this country is not left versus right,” said newly elected Texas Senate candidate James Talarico. “It’s up versus down.”
Sherrod Brown won back his Senate seat from Ohio in large part because of voters’ anger at data centers and the big tech billionaires behind them.
Abdul El-Sayed never tired of reminding Michigan voters during his election campaign that his opponent, Mike Rogers, was supported by big corporations and mega-donors.
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Even Kansas winner Adam Hamilton—who during his Senate campaign flatly rejected the left-wing label his opponent wanted to impose on him—campaigned for data centers to pay for their own energy, banning lawmakers from trading in stocks, expanding Medicare drug price negotiations, and cracking down on price gouging.
Hamilton also rejected money from PACS companies, as have most Democratic Senate candidates.
The real question in my mind is whether, come January, when they control Congress, Democrats will take advantage of the new populism to pass measures most Americans need, like Medicare for All, and reforms most Americans want, like stronger anti-monopoly laws and limits on campaign contributions (even if it requires a constitutional amendment).
Trump will likely veto such initiatives, of course, but at least they’ll set the benchmarks for the 2028 presidential election — which, judging by what we’ve seen in the midterms, will likely be a populist doozie.
Robert Reich, former U.S. Secretary of Labor, is professor emeritus of public policy at the University of California, Berkeley. He is a columnist for the Guardian US and his newsletter is available at robertreich.substack.com. His new book, Coming Up Short: A Memoir of My America, is now available in the US and UK.
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